Orban Is in Trouble: Katalin Cseh on the Hungarian Opposition’s Election Push

Hungary's political landscape is rapidly approaching a moment of truth – the parliamentary elections of 2026. After nearly a decade and a half of Viktor Orban's rule, the country is entering a new electoral cycle that could fundamentally reshape its political future. At the same time, Budapest is slipping ever deeper into isolation within the EU due to its closeness with Moscow and its repeated obstruction of key Brussels decisions on supporting Ukraine.

Against this backdrop, the role of the opposition is growing. Among its key figures is Katalin Cseh – a Hungarian lawmaker, and one of the most consistent critics of Orban's authoritarian tendencies. She has long advocated for support for Ukraine, the rule of law, and a return to a genuinely European course for Hungary.

What to expect from Hungary's 2026 elections – and whether Budapest could rethink its stance on Ukraine – in our exclusive interview with Katalin Cseh for 24 Channel.

Inside the Coalition Challenging Orban: The Humanist Party and the Rise of Peter Magyar

You've recently launched a new political party. Should we interpret this as a sign that you plan to take a more active role in the upcoming parliamentary elections – perhaps even by running yourself?

I think it's important to see that Hungary is on the precipice of change, and we see a real possibility of a new government and to create a country after Orban. But I think that this change should incorporate values that are not necessarily represented by the parties who are running already, who are leading the polls.

And this is why I created, alongside my colleague from the Green Party, a new political movement called the Humanists' Party (Magyar Humanisták Pártja), who want to run at the election and stand for issues that are very important to us – like the relationship with Ukraine, on how to support Ukraine, how to be more integrated in the EU, how to support women's rights or minority rights, or how to draft a new electoral system that would really bring back democracy. We plan to run, and we believe in diversity in debate and in the pluralism that we Hungarians have always thought to be important.

Member of the Hungarian Parliament and co-founder of the Humanists' Party, Katalin Cseh / Photo provided to 24 Channel from the politician's personal archive.

And regarding your new party – are there any discussions about forming a broader opposition coalition, potentially even with parties that don't always share your views?

What we propose to the voters is a different strategy. As in Hungary the parliamentary battle – or the battle for parliament – is won in the individual districts, we propose to support the candidates of Tisa, Peter Magyar, in the individual districts.

But as we also have another vote, which is the party-list vote, which is the proportional vote, we propose a vote for our party, the Humanist Party, on the list, because this does not endanger any kind of change, and this does not require coalition agreements. So, we are running in a manner that supports change but also supports diversity.

Leader of the Tisza Party, Peter Magyar / Photo by AFP

I'd like to ask about Peter Magyar. He's often described as a former Orban loyalist – what, in your view, explains his shift in position and his sudden rise in popularity?

I think Peter Magyar is an exceptional political figure, and he really managed to show that, as a former party loyalist and as somebody who comes from the conservative camp, he has an unmatched capacity to reach out to those disaffected right-wing voters who did not see an alternative in more progressive opposition parties before. Part of his appeal is his strong presence on the ground and his strong campaigning.

And I really think that without him the prospect of change wouldn't be possible. But on the other hand, I also think that only having right-wing parties in Parliament – which is a real possibility as we speak now – does not help democracy, does not help the pluralism that I think should be the base of a well-functioning country.

This is why we propose an alternative in the Humanists' Party, where we want to support Peter Magyar, but we also want to give a voice to those more progressive voters who might feel that because of his background, his personal views, and also his electoral considerations, he is not paying enough attention to a lot of issues.

Let me turn to the media landscape in Hungary. Orban's popularity has often been linked to his control over major media outlets. In this environment, how does the opposition communicate with voters? Do you rely on traditional television channels, or is your campaign mainly focused on social media platforms such as TikTok?

The media situation in Hungary has become really constrained over the past years, and it really made it possible for more grassroots-based or social-media-based campaigning to gain more ground. We plan to use social media.

We, of course, are happy to use also traditional media when it's open, but I think that having a campaign in such a constrained environment is certainly more difficult than in a well-functioning democratic society, where the spaces of debate are more open and where the independence of the media is guaranteed.

Hungary at a Turning Point: Why Orban's Support Is Crumbling – and How His Government Is Bracing for the Elections

On the upcoming elections in Hungary – can they truly be competitive, considering the state of emergency has been prolonged until spring?

The state of emergency has been in power since 2015, which is a blatant overreach by the government to further limit the powers of Parliament and curtail our democratic rights. Unfortunately, I believe that this will stay in effect until the election and as long as Orban is in government.

This is why I believe a change is really necessary – to stop similar instances of misuse of power and to restore democracy to its full functioning.

Katalin Cseh during a session of the Hungarian National Assembly / Photo provided to 24 Channel from the politician's personal archive

Do you anticipate any form of electoral misconduct – for example, voter buying or the manipulation of ballots – by Viktor Orban's government?

I can expect a lot of things. What I'm more afraid of is election interference – not necessarily on the day of the election, but in the period leading up to it. We have seen how the media is manipulated in Hungary, how vulnerable people's personal data are.

And now, as Russia and the Trump government share the same purpose of keeping the government in government, I really hope that the international community will pay attention in order to unmask any sort of interference that might happen. Because the people's voice has to be heard, and it has to come in a democratic and open way.

Recent polls show that Fidesz is losing support. In your view, what explains Viktor Orban's declining popularity among Hungarians?

Well, Victor Orban governance has been marked with very little positive change in the day-to-day life of Hungarians. We experience very high inflation, food prices are rising, wages are low, the healthcare system and education are not functioning.

And no matter how much he is pushing for lies-based narratives, or how he tries to push the bad impacts of his ineffective governments on, for instance, on Ukraine or the heroes who defend Ukraine and Europe, people start to see the new reality that they live in.

And I think he will lose because of his domestic policies – because he hasn't delivered for the people. And this is very good. And this is why I think it's good that Peter Magyar's party has these issues in the heart of his policies. But also, I think we should not forget a very separate but still very pressing set of problems that the Orban government has brought – which is the erosion of democratic norms and individual rights.

And this is why we believe, with the Humanists' Party, that if we change the system, we should also restore rights for those groups who have lost them or who were unprotected over the past decade and a half: a stronger step for violence against women, equality for LGBT people, children's rights protection. So of course day-to-day issues are the drivers of any electoral cycle. But if we want to build a new country, it should also be a values-based change.

Would it be fair to say that Hungarian society has grown tired of Orban's increasingly authoritarian style of governance?

I think the polls are clearly showing that they are. They are tired of having to live day to day, not advancing in society, not seeing any real meaningful change in the quality of their lives.

They are tired of the constant hate. They are tired of the propaganda. And they are tired of a government that pushed us to the periphery of Europe and that tramples also on our security and long-term economic interests.

I think they want change, and we have a real chance of achieving this change next April.

Between Europe and Russia: Does the Hungarian Opposition Plan to Rebuild Its Relations with Ukraine?

I'd also like to ask about Viktor Orban's openly displayed friendship with Vladimir Putin. How is this relationship perceived within Hungarian society today?

You know, I'm truly shocked by this development. Because if a nation knows clearly how it feels to have Russian tanks on the street of its capital, how it feels to fight for freedom and look for the best support and not receiving any – I think this is us Hungarians who should have understood this.

And the use of his media machinery and propagandistic moves clearly overshadowed the immorality of his friendship with Vladimir Putin. And I do believe that he managed to change the mind of many Hungarians who would have otherwise felt it impossible to be in such close proximity to Russia politically.

This is why I hope that a change of government brings a shift also in these policies. Because we have to detach ourselves from this dependency on Vladimir Putin.

We should not pay money to the regime in the form of oil and gas money – who spends this money on the storming of schools, on the abuse of women, on the murder of innocents. I think his friendship is honestly despicable in the face of every Hungarian who fought bravely for our independence vis-à-vis Russia in the 1950s.

Viktor Orban and Vladimir Putin during a bilateral meeting / Photo by EPA

The opposition argues that Hungary should phase out Russian energy imports. Given the current economic conditions, do you see this as a realistic goal?

Well, it looks like it will be EU rules to do so. So we have to find a way. Of course, Hungary is a landlocked country, and we have different resources than, I don't know, Sweden or Portugal with their very different capacities. But also, it's important to remind everybody that Viktor Orban's regime has not done enough over the past years, when he could have seen this dependence as a liability, to diversify our sources of energy.

However, we have a lot of options to establish our energy independence, particularly via renewable sources. Wind farms were basically banned up until now, and we have a lot of capacities in that area. Also, we have possibilities to rely more on LNG in the short term via the pipeline from Croatia that we have not used. And also I think that, given a constructive negotiation tactic, the European Union could be incentivized to financially help out those countries for whom the transition is more difficult. Just like Hungary.

There's been growing speculation about Budapest potentially hosting a Trump–Putin summit. If such a meeting were to happen, do you think it could boost Viktor Orban's popularity at home?

Well, I think there are two things here.

I believe that peace in Ukraine is very important. To establish a just peace that is fair to those Ukrainians who have been bravely defending their country is of utmost importance.

So, if there is a summit in Budapest, I think the interest of Hungary, the interest of Europe, the interest of the entire world is not only to have a bilateral of Trump and Putin, but to have a meeting between Mr. Trump, Mr. Putin, and President Zelensky. And I think if Budapest is the place where Putin finally decides to have a conversation with President Zelensky to negotiate the terms, then so be it.

I think if they want to meet on the Moon, or if they want to meet in Antarctica, or in whatever country, I would very much welcome it. Of course, this is a role that the Hungarian government should be playing. And if he does that, he would indeed act as a peace broker – as he claims to be in words – rather than a warmonger. Because without Ukraine at the table, there is no possibility of achieving actual peace.

And when we look at Hungarian society more broadly – how effective is pro-Orban propaganda in shaping people's perceptions? How does it influence the way Hungarians imagine Ukraine and Ukrainians at a deeper societal level?

This propaganda has been very deeply rooted, and they spend a lot of money on strengthening it as much as possible. So there is certainly an impact. However, I also think that Hungarians are very good people, very welcoming people.

And if we just think about how we received the refugees when the Ukrainian war broke out – I was there in person at the border, and I saw the eastern part of Hungary, the people banding together, hosting war refugees in the school rooms, and cooking meals for them as a community. This shows the real face of Hungary. And this is why I have immense hope in our society for change and for reconciliation after the election.

Hungarian volunteers assisting Ukrainian refugees, 2022 / Photo by Atlatszo

And in your view, what will be the biggest challenge for the Hungarian opposition in the upcoming 2025 - 2026 elections?

Well, the biggest challenge is, I think, to turn the prospect that we certainly have into reality. Because a lot of people feel that change is coming, and this change has to be brought about – and it has to be a real change. Not only, you know, a small shift or getting rid of Orban – which is of course very important – but to use this historic moment as a chance to leapfrog forward in history and in the integration of our country into the European fabric.

The election will be very hard-fought. Fidesz will spend a lot of money on campaigning, on propaganda, and also on intimidation of people. But I think that the will of the people will overcome here. It is just important not to waste another moment of opportunity when we can indeed turn the country back to the right track.